Just as the midwife’s role was considered sacred, so were the “natural life cycle” processes of pregnancy and childbirth, as governed by the “ubiquitous spirituality originating from the Creator” (Skye 2010; Carroll & Benoit 2004). New life brought about by birth was seen as an event that was intimately tied to the land, and a “powerful balance between the spiritual and physical worlds” (Skye 2010; Carroll & Benoit 2004). This caused the pregnant woman to be considered “medicinal”, as the new life she carried was honoured as a sacred bridge between the material and spiritual life (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012). This led to an overall view of celebration surrounding birth, and the development of many ceremonies in preparation for the new member of the family and community (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012).

 

Although pregnancy was considered a sacred time during the life of a woman, this did not excuse her from her typical domestic responsibilities during the prenatal period (Jasen 1997). However, there was also a strong focus on the care of the mother’s overall health (physical, emotional, mental, spiritual), as elders believed that whatever affected the mother would in turn affect the unborn child (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012). Frequently monitored by her midwife and other elder women in the community, the pregnant woman would be counselled to follow practices that would aid in delivery, including adherence to an appropriate diet, activity level, and many other prescriptions (Jasen 1997).

 

While the prenatal period often involved a strong dependence on the counsel of the pregnant woman, the process of labour was one that was believed to have depended on courage. It was an event dependent on “bodily strength and self-sufficiency”, where the woman was to “simply rely upon the natural forces and her own natural instincts to carry her and the infant through birth” (Jasen 1997; Carroll & Benoit 2004). Ultimately, it was the woman’s role and responsibility in achieving a good outcome for her child’s delivery (Jasen 1997). In saying this, childbirth was still seen as an extended family and community process, allowing for the opportunity for sharing the reproductive knowledge throughout the community and various generations (Carroll & Benoit 2004). This type of participation of the community also allowed for the development of a “closely knit nexus” that linked the child and its mother, the midwife, the family, and the extended kin group (Carroll & Benoit 2004). The opportunity for other women to help during the birth process was also seen as public sign of virtue and a source of great pride to be able to care for the birthing mother (Carroll & Benoit 2004; Jasen 1997). Of course, some nations could not afford the luxury of such extensive support, especially those that were nomadic. For in some cases, women in labour would drop behind the group during the journey, deliver the baby, make sure it was safely tied in a cradle and then re-join the group soon after “as if nothing had happened” (Jasen 1997).

 

While the birthing process varied from tribe to tribe and woman to woman, it is known that the supine position - though quite normative in western medical practice - was strongly recommended against (Carroll & Benoit 2004). Rather, the kneeling or squatting positions were encouraged during labour and delivery, with the “pain and peril” of childbirth being minimized through diet, herbal remedies, and other ritual observances (Jasen 1997). Both male and female healers may have been present in the case of an emergency, however male shamans typically avoided contact with women undergoing menstruation or labour, as it was thought to have a detrimental effect on their own healing powers (Jasen 1997). Should a death occur of the mother and / or child, it was a grief shared by not only the family, but the entire community as well (Carroll & Benoit 2004).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 1. The squatting labour position traditionally used by women of the Pawnee peoples. The labouring woman is seen squatting with her back to a female assistant, while a shaman aids with the delivery. Retrieved from http://principleintopractice.com/category/evolutionary-medicine/

 

The postpartum period was one of great celebration and ritual. There was often a strong cultural significance associated with the after-birth and placenta (Carroll & Benoit 2004). There were precise beliefs surrounding the events involving the placenta; these were, not surprisingly, typically taught by the midwife or elder women in the community (Carroll & Benoit 2004). For example, the placenta may be placed in a clean, white cloth to be tied in a tree until it was naturally dried out (Carroll & Benoit 2004). In turn, a boy’s cord may be dried and buried under deer or moose tracks, while a girl’s cord would be under a berry tree (Carroll & Benoit 2004). The “uplifting” ceremony was also a crucial part of the postpartum time, where the community leader (i.e. hereditary chief) presented the infant to the community and “bestow[ed] a name”, initiating the child into the community (Kornelsen et al. 2010). Other postnatal traditions also included the use of medicines to help regain strength and broths to help stimulate lactation (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012). Discussions surrounding family planning and fertility were also made during this time, and women were instructed on the use of medicines for maintaining or encouraging fertility, contraception, or abortion if needed.

 

All this knowledge was dutifully passed on to each woman and family, so as to ensure the survival of the community and its way of life (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2. Aboriginal woman and child. Retrieved from http://www.isuma.tv/national-aboriginal-council-of-midwives/aboriginal-midwifery-video

 

 

References

 

Carroll, D. & Benoit, C. (2004). Aboriginal Midwifery in Canada. In I.L. Bourgeault, C. Benoit, & R. Davis-Floyd (Eds.), Reconceiving Midwifery. (pp. 263-286). Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

 

Jasen, P. (1997). Race, Culture, and the Colonization of Childbirth in Northern Canada. The Society for the Social History of Medicine, 10(3), 383-400.

 

Kornelsen, J., Kotaska, A., Waterfall, P., Willie, L., & Wilson, D. (2010). The geography of belonging: The experience of birthing at home for First Nations women. Health & Place, 16(4), 638-645.

 

National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health. (2012) The Sacred Space of Womanhood: Mothering Across the Generations: A National Showcase on First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Women and Mothering. Retrieved from http://www.nccahccnsa.ca/docs/child%20and%20youth/The%20Sacred%20Space%20of%20Womanhood%20-%20Mothering%20Across%20the%20Generations%20(EN%20-%20web).pdf

Skye, A.D. (2010) Aboriginal Midwifery: A Model for Change. Journal of Aboriginal Health, 6(1), 28-37.