Traditionally, many Aboriginal societies were considered to be egalitarian - communities characterized by promoting equality and a lack of distinct social ranks, where leadership is only assumed temporarily when the particular need arises (Dickason & Newbiggin 2010; Roberts 2006). This type of framework relied upon the relationships of its people to maintain strong, balanced, and thriving communities (Roberts 2006). Each person was viewed as having inherent value and deserving of respect, regardless of age, gender, status etc. (Roberts 2006). In saying this, there was also an expectation to contribute to society in the appropriate way, leading to the differentiation of male and female roles. However, these roles were still considered to be “reciprocal”, focused not on competition between sexes but rather complementation (Noel 2006). While this may be difficult to envision within our typical western binaries, it is important to acknowledge that relationships between men and women did not lead to power struggles; relationships were not founded on exploitation or dependence, but rather a mutual respect and need for each other (Noel 2006).

 

In light of this, the establishment of leaders was based on their influence, as opposed to their position or accumulation of wealth / goods (Dickason & Newbiggin 2010). For example, the power of chiefs depended on their ability to provide for the people of their community, for they, as chief, represented the common will of the people (Dickason & Newbiggin 2010). While leaders were seen as authority figures amongst the community, the concept of discipline was generally an “individual responsibility”; each person was seen as their own leader, and was responsible for conducting themselves in a way that was beneficial to both them and the community. However, the concept of respect was exceptionally important for the functioning of culture, and ultimately led to little quarrelling and interpersonal conflict amongst members of the community (Dickason & Newbiggin 2010). When conflict did arise, both males and females were expected to participate in extensive consultation until a general agreement was able to be achieved (Noel 2006). Contrary to the current political system in Canada and the prevalence of men in political power, many traditional Aboriginal societies relied strongly on “women [as] deliberate voice[s] at councils” (Noel 2006). 

 

With this in mind, comparison to most previous western societies highlights the fact that Aboriginal women had an unusual degree of authority within their communities prior to European contact (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 3:2, 1996). Aboriginal societies embodied a complete rejection of the binary thinking that assumes one sex must prevail over the other (Noel 2006). Rather, the role of women was seen as an equal, and complementary, role to that of a men (Noel 2006). In some communities, such as the Iroquois, there have also been observations of an almost “female hegemony”. For it is “of [women] that the nation exists” (Noel 2006), and from the matrilineal line that the genealogical trees, and nobility of blood, were perpetuated (Noel 2006). Other societies also held the mother in highest regard in terms of lineage, with the inheritance of influential property (i.e. long houses) to be exhibited through the maternal line (Noel 2006). Female elders (sometimes known as clan mothers) could also provide insight during major events of the community, such as the selection of a new chief, council deliberations, and other acts of diplomacy (Noel 2006). Additional acts of influence also included the arrangement of marriages and ensuring the equal distribution of resources amongst members of the community (Noel 2006).

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 1. Iroquois longhouse interior (artwork by Lewis Parker). Retrieved from http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/longhouse/

 

 As a female, the ability to bear children was seen as a sacred “gift”, one that caused women to be held in high respect amongst the family and community (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006; Skye 2010). Ceremonies and teachings were used to instruct girls from a young age about the gift given to each of them as a woman - the gift to create life in their bodies and become “life-givers” to the next generation (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). Therefore, it was this reproductive role that became “central to woman’s claim to social prominence” (Carroll & Benoit 2004). This was furthered by her success in nurturing her family and providing care for others; women who did so eventually became seen as influential and authoritative figures within the family and community (Carroll & Benoit 2004; Skye 2010). Therefore, mothers were not only considered to be birthers, but teachers who “lead children in the good way” (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). 

 

Interestingly, all women had responsibilities to raise and nurture the upcoming generation, “regardless of their ability to produce children biologically” (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). In order to protect the healthy development of the community’s children, all women - mothers, grandmothers, sisters, aunts, daughters - were involved in sharing language, knowledge, traditions, and culture (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012). Not only did this knowledge include what it meant to be woman within the tribe, but also the traditions celebrating her womanhood and the important task of mothering as well (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). For instance, the traditional role of grandmothers was to provide unconditional love and instruction to their children and future generations based on the Seven Sacred teachings (Health Council of Canada 2003). In a way, these women were responsible for “carry[ing] the heart of the people for all generations to come” (Health Council of Canada 2003). 

 

In turn, elders also played an integral role in the teaching and instruction of the people within the

Aboriginal community. Both men and women embodied this role, and were highly respected for their insight, stability, and ability to counsel (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 4:3, 1996). This enabled them to act as mediators and advisors within the community. Considered to be exceptionally wise, elders were seen as the “conscience of the people; living by example according to the laws of the Creator” (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 4:3, 1996). These individuals were also responsible for the passing on of teachings and traditions - linking the coming generations with the traditions of past generations, as elders were those who were to have acquired a great deal of knowledge and experience over their lifetime (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012).

 

Both Elders and parents had a role in rearing and teaching the children. We were taught to respect all our peers; respect and obey the rules; respect and knowledge for the life and ways of all of the animals, killing only the mature and/or only what was required; respect and knowledge of weather-related elements and the lay of the land. We learned the language, life, survival and hunting skills. We learned to respect others, share with each other and care for one another. (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 4:3, 1996).

 

Historically, this knowledge was taught through oral tradition: the sharing of stories and knowledge through language, as a way of passing information from one person (and generation) to another (Roberts 2006). This would include legends, stories, accounts to not only educate those listening, but to effectively communicate aspects of culture, tradition, and spirituality as well (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 1:3, 1996).  This accumulated knowledge was seen to be provided by the Creator through creation and, ultimately, considered sacred (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012). It may be difficult to envisage this transmission of history and culture without the use of written text; however, Aboriginal traditions surrounding the recording of history is “neither linear nor steeped in the same notions of social progress and evolution” (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 1:3, 1996). And unlike western scientific tradition, Aboriginal knowledge is not typically human-centred - it does not assume human beings to be the most important element within the system of the universe (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 1:3, 1996). 

 

In addition to oral sharing, there were a number of ceremonies, traditions, and knowledge practices used to teach girls and women to not only respect their fertility, but also how to assume their responsibilities within the community (National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health 2012; Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). Due to its powerful symbolism, Ojibwe Elder Edna Manitowabi interprets the sweat lodge ceremony as a metaphor for both Mother Earth and the process of birth (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006).  As the author explains: 

 

She equates the dome-shaped lodge with the womb of Mother Earth or going back into our own mothers’ tummies…The lodge is dark, hot, and wet just like the womb that the baby is in for nine months…When you crawl out on your hands and knees, it is as if you are being born again into the world because you are weak, struggling, and helpless. A sweat lodge ceremony follows a course of events that connects us women back to the significance of birth, creation, and the process of lifegiving. 

 

The menstrual cycle was also deeply entrenched with rituals and ceremonies, for it is this flow, this bleeding, that allows a woman to bring forth life (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006).  

 

Of course, even amongst all of the wisdom and insight of the community, the first teacher of motherhood was still Mother Earth (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). Despite all the changes and turmoil that might occur, Mother Earth continued to be an enduring force in their lives - a force that consistently brought life and a promise for the future (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). Much like their own birth mothers, she gave birth and provided food, shelter, and care for her children (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). And as they respected Mother Earth, all people of the community sought to honour their birth mothers as well (Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard 2006). 

 

References

 

Carroll, D. & Benoit, C. (2004). Aboriginal Midwifery in Canada. In I.L. Bourgeault, C. Benoit, & R. Davis-Floyd (Eds.), Reconceiving Midwifery. (pp. 263-286). Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

 

Dickason, O.P. & Newbigging, W. (2010). A Concise History of Canada’s First Nations (2nd ed.). Don Mills: Oxford University Press.

 

Health Council of Canada. (2003). Understanding and Improving Aboriginal Maternal and Child Health in Canada: Conversations about Promising Practices across Canada. Retrieved from http://www.healthcouncilcanada.ca/rpt_det.php?id=123

 

Mzinegiizhigo-kwe Bedard, R.E. (2006). An Anishinaabe-kwe Ideology on Mothering and Motherhood. In D.M. Lavell-Harvard & J. Corbiere Lavell (Eds.), “Until Our Hearts Are On the Ground” Aboriginal Mothering, Oppression, Resistance and Rebirth. (pp. 65-75). Toronto: Demeter Press.

 

National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health. (2012) The Sacred Space of Womanhood: Mothering Across the Generations: A National Showcase on First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Women and Mothering. Retrieved from http://www.nccahccnsa.ca/docs/child%20and%20youth/The%20Sacred%20Space%20of%20Womanhood%20-%20Mothering%20Across%20the%20Generations%20(EN%20-%20web).pdf

 

Noel, J. (2006). Power Mothering: The Haudenosaunee Model. In D.M. Lavell-Harvard & J. Corbiere Lavell (Eds.), “Until Our Hearts Are On the Ground” Aboriginal Mothering, Oppression, Resistance and Rebirth. (pp. 76-93). Toronto: Demeter Press.

 

Roberts, J. (2006). First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Peoples: Exploring Their Past, Present, and Future. Toronto: Emond Montgomery Publications Limited.

 

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). Conceptions of History [Chapter 3]. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: Volume 1 Looking Forward Looking Back. Retrieved from http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/webarchives/20071115053257/http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sgmm_e.html

 

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). Elders’ Perspectives [Chapter 3]. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: Volume 4 Perspectives and Realities. Retrieved from http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/webarchives/20071115053257/http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sgmm_e.html

 

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). The Family [Chapter 2]. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: Volume 3 Gathering Strength. Retrieved from http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/webarchives/20071115053257/http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sgmm_e.html

 

Skye, A.D. (2010) Aboriginal Midwifery: A Model for Change. Journal of Aboriginal Health, 6(1), 28-37.