Across Aboriginal cultures, one of the most fundamental principles understood by the peoples is that everything has life; nothing is isolated, but rather interconnected (Struthers, Eschiti & Patchell 2004). By understanding that all living things are related, the universe can be seen as “an intricate meshing of personalized powers great and small, whose equilibrium [is] based on reciprocity” (Dickason 2002). In a way, the whole is seen as greater than the sum of the parts, with the health and well-being of this whole being dependent upon the harmony within the system. 

 

One of the most powerful representations of this concept in Aboriginal life is through their connection to the land. As all living things are related, all living things also have a spirit (Roberts 2006). This also means that the land is considered sacred; a living entity with its own cycles and rhythms; a place where people encounter, interact with, and relate to various other beings in their everyday lives (Roberts 2006; Dickason 2002). It is impossible to separate the foundation of Aboriginal cultures from their connections to the land, for as Wilson (2003) states: “beyond merely shaping their identity, the land is part of Aboriginal identity and shapes all aspects of their lives” (Roberts 2006; Kornelsen et al. 2010; Snyder, Williams & Peterson 2003). In other words, the land is not seen as shaping identity, but constituting an actual part of it. This leads to a natural blending of the land and culture - a relationship that shapes all areas of life, including cultural, spiritual, emotional, physical, and social elements (Kornelsen et al. 2010; Wilson 2003). 

 

Because so much of what constitutes a culture is woven into spatial patterns and localized meaning, to move a culture would be tantamount to destroying it. Much of what is valuable to the culture is embedded in that place. (Kornelsen et al. 2010) 

 

In certain tribes, the land is considered to be a female entity, fondly referred to as Mother Earth. Like a mother, the earth offers various gifts to be used and enjoyed, overall providing all things necessary to sustain life (Wilson 2003; Roberts 2006; Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 4:3, 1996). To utilize these gifts is considered to be a strong showing of respect to Mother Earth and the nourishment that she supplies (Roberts 2006). 

 

Our responsibilities to Mother Earth are the foundation of our spirituality, culture and traditions...Our ancestors did not sign a real estate deal, as you cannot give away something you do not own. Grand Chief Harold Turner Swampy Cree Tribal Council (1992). 

 

Mother Earth is viewed as the “source of life” rather than a “resource” to be used and exploited (Robbins & Dewar 2011), for the land and its resources are “living things that both deserve and require respect and protection” (Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples 2:4, 1996). This makes for a system that is not one based on hierarchy and entitlement, but rather harmony and balance. This has ultimately led the Aboriginal peoples to take on the responsibility as caretakers of the land, rather than its masters (Dickason 2002). In turn, this harmony is not only observed between the earthly elements, but is also strived for between Aboriginal peoples and within themselves as well. Therefore, interaction and relationship with the land is considered important for overall health and well-being, as the land “simultaneously contributes to the physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual health” of those who encounter it (Wilson 2003). It is these perceptions of the land that provide the foundation for traditional spirituality and healing amongst the Aboriginal peoples of Canada (Robbins & Dewar 2011).

 

 

References 

 

Dickason, O.P. (2002). Canada’s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times (3rd ed.). Don Mills: Oxford University Press.

 

Kornelsen, J., Kotaska, A., Waterfall, P., Willie, L., & Wilson, D. (2010). The geography of belonging: The experience of birthing at home for First Nations women. Health & Place, 16(4), 638-645.

 

Robbins, J.A. & Dewar, J. (2011). Traditional Indigenous Approaches to Healing and the modern welfare of Traditional Knowledge, Spirituality and Lands: A critical reflection on practices and policies taken from the Canadian Indigenous example. The International Indigenous Policy Journal, 2(4), PAGES.

 

Roberts, J. (2006). First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Peoples: Exploring Their Past, Present, and Future. Toronto: Emond Montgomery Publications Limited.

 

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). Elders’ Perspectives [Chapter 3]. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: Volume 4 Perspectives and Realities. Retrieved from http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/webarchives/20071115053257/http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sgmm_e.html

 

Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples. (1996). Lands and Resources [Chapter 4]. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples: Volume 2 Restructuring the Relationship. Retrieved from http://www.collectionscanada.gc.ca/webarchives/20071115053257/http://www.ainc-inac.gc.ca/ch/rcap/sg/sgmm_e.html

 

Snyder, R., Williams, D., & Peterson, G. (2003). Cultural Loss and Sense of Place in Resource Valuation: Economics, Anthropology and Indigenous Cultures. Rocky Mountain Research Station, USDA Forest Service. Retrieved from http://www.fs.fed.us/rm/value/docs/culture_sense_place_resource_valuation.pdf

 

Struthers, R., Eschiti, V.S., & Patchell, B. (2004). Traditional indigenous healing: Part 1. Complementary Therapies in Nursing and Midwifery, 10, 141-149.

 

Wilson, K. (2003). Therapeutic landscapes and First Nations peoples: an exploration of culture, health and place. Health & Place, 9, 83-93.